two palestinians shot dead,many arrested in the rest of palestine

meanwhile, the nightmare, the context of colonization, apartheid, ethnic cleansing that is status quo in the rest of palestine AND in gaza when it is NOT bombed to pieces – and body parts – and the very same context that allows for the bombing of gaza in the first place, continues. and we are not paying attention.

yesterday, a settler just went and shot dead 21 year old mahmoud shawamra at the entrance to ar ram, central west bank. though not an isolated incident, this is something EXTRAORDINARY. an armed colonizer, basically a paramilitary, once more shot dead at a palestinian near HIS home – and no matter what circumstanes, there CAN be no excuse, yet this is no news. if a palestinian had killed a colonists – again on his land, not the colonists – the news would have been full with it. as it happens, colonists will likely face no consequences, impunity, encouragement to kill again. part of ethnic cleansing.

today, soldiers shot 32 year old mahmoud hamamra (shot in the chest) and 19 year old mohammad hamamra (shot in the head) and injured others in hossan, near bethlehem. countless young men are still getting arrested, some very brutally, in the west bank, in east jerusalem, and inside 48. as people protest against the ongoing killing of now almost 700 palestinians, there are clashes everywhere and more and more young men get injured.

we cannot separate gaza from the rest of palestine, we cannot separate the rest of palestine from gaza. i will try to write more about this tmw.

 

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excellent article on how we regard only women and children as true victims and on how the massacre of gaza is separated from the context of the colonization of palestine

this article is SO good, so spot on that i don’t know where to begin. just read it. i’m emphasizing the parts that i find especially significant (just because i am excited to read them)

Can Palestinian Men be Victims? Gendering Israel’s War on Gaza

[In Gaza There's A Boy. Artwork by Mazen Kerbaj] [In Gaza There’s A Boy. Artwork by Mazen Kerbaj]

Every morning we wake up to an updated butcher’s bill: 100, 200, 400, 600 Palestinians killed by Israel’s war apparatus. These numbers gloss over many details: the majority of Gazans, one of the most populated and impoverished areas in the world, are refugees from other parts of historic Palestine. It is under a brutal siege, and there is nowhere to hide from Israel’s onslaught.  Before this “war” Gaza was a form of quarantine, a population held captive and colonized by Israel’s ability to break international law with impunity. They are population in a relationship of dependency—for food, for water, medicine, even for movement— with their colonizers. In the event of a ceasefire, Gaza will remain colonized, quarantined, and blockaded. It will remain an open-air prison, a mass refugee camp.

One detail about the dead, however, is repeated often in western-based mass media: the vast majority of murdered Palestinians in Gaza are civilians—and sources say that a “disproportionate” number are women and children. The killing of women and children is horrific—but in the reiteration of these disturbing facts there is something missing: the public mourning of Palestinian men killed by Israel’s war machine. In 1990 Cynthia Enloe[1] coined the term “womenandchildren” in order to think about the operationalization of gendered discourses to justify the first Gulf War. Today, we should be aware of how the trope of “womenandchildren” is circulating in relation to Gaza and to Palestine more broadly.  This trope accomplishes many discursive feats, two of which are most prominent: The massifying of women and children into an undistinguishable group brought together by the “sameness” of gender and sex, and the reproduction of the male Palestinian body (and the male Arab body more generally) as always already dangerous. Thus the status of male Palestinians (a designation that includes boys aged fifteen and up, and sometimes boys as young as thirteen) as “civilians” is always circumspect.

This gendering of Israel’s war on Gaza is conversant with discourses of the War on Terror and, as Laleh Khalili has argued persuasively, counter-insurgency strategy and war-making more broadly. In this framework, the killing of women and girls and pre-teen and under boys is to be marked, but boys and men are presumed guilty of what they might do if allowed to live their lives. Furthermore, these boys and men are potentially dangerous not only to the militaries that occupy them, but to those womenandchildren who actually are civilians. The young boys, after all, may grow up to be violent extremists.  Thus, kill the flesh—extinguish the potential.

Only within this logic can criticism of Israel’s war on Gaza be answered, straight faced, with statements about the “fate” of women and homosexuals “under” Hamas. Recently, a spokesman for Israel answered Noura Erakat’s condemnation of Israel’s violation of international human rights by sharing this gem of wisdom: “Hamas, they wouldn’t allow a young, liberal, secular woman to express her views like you do, ma’am. They would not allow my gay friends to express their sexuality freely.” This statement aims to mobilize the gendered discourse of the War on Terror, a discourse that plays on the affective registers of US liberalism through a pandering to feminist and LGBTQ rights. This pandering allows Islamophobia and war to be manifested as a public and international good—after all, it is “we” that are defending the helpless from the ravages of Muslim and Arab men.  Laleh Khalili has called this “the use of gendered ‘telling’ to distinguish those who are to be protected from those who are to be feared or destroyed.” This discourse is so powerful that it does not need to rely on facts—it has in fact overridden them.

The Israeli war machine, much like the US war machine in Afghanistan or Iraq, does not protect Palestinian queers and women and children. It kills them, maims them, and dispossesses them alongside their loved ones—for the simple reason that they are Palestinian, and thus able to be killed with impunity while the world watches. Today, the difference between Palestinian womenandchildren and Palestinian men is not in the production of corpses, but rather in the circulation of those corpses within dominant and mainstream discursive frames that determine who can be publicly mourned as true “victims” of Israel’s war machine. Thus the sheer number of womenandchildren dead are enough to mobilize the US president and the UN to make statements “condemning” the violence—but the killing, imprisonment, and maiming of Palestinian men and boys in times of war and ceasefire goes uncited. In Israel men, settlers, and even soldiers are framed as victims of Palestinian terrorism and aggression. All are publicly mourned. In an almost direct reversal, while Palestinian boys and men have been the primary target of Israel, as evidenced by the population of political prisoners and targeted assassinations, are not seen by western based mainstream media as victims of Israeli terrorism and aggression. Palestinians are put in the self-defeating position of having to fight to be recognized as human, to be recognized in death and in life as victims of Israeli policies and actions.  

Sex is often thought as an accident of birth: after all, we had no say in how our development in utero. We did not get to offer an opinion when others decided that we had been born with a vagina (and were thus female) or born with a penis (and were thus male). Similarly, the original sin of over one million Gazans’—the one that makes them available for killing, maiming, and homelessness from the air, ground, and sea—is having been born Palestinian. The word “Palestinian” produces them as a threat and as a target, while the words “man” and “woman” determines the way their death can circulate. Palestinians had no choice or say in being born Palestinian, under settler colonial conditions or in refugee camps scattered across nation state borders. They did not pick up and move to Gaza on their own volition. To paraphrase Malcolm X: They did not arrive or land in Israel. Israel arrived and landed on them.

The emphasis on the killing of womenandchildren, to the exclusion of Palestinian boys and men, further normalizes and erases the structures and successes of Israeli settler colonialism. “True civilians” and “possible civilians” are chosen. Men are always already suspicious, the possibility for violence encased in human flesh. The individual and personal extinguishing of female lives and the lives of children is massified and spoken of in statistics.  Palestinians are framed as having the ability to choose whether they are a threat to Israel, and thus deserving of death, or not, and thus deserving of continued colonization clothed in the rubric of “ceasefire” or, even more elusively, “peace.”

However, you do not have to pick up a gun in Palestine to be a revolutionary or an “enemy” of Israel. You do not have to protest or throw stones or fly flags to be dangerous. You do not have to rely on underground tunnels for food and cancer medication in order to be deemed part of the civilian infrastructure of terrorism. To be a threat to Israel is easy: You just have to be Palestinian. For Israel, Palestinians serve as a reminder that there is an “other” there—an irritant, a stain, a conscious or subconscious understanding that one’s ability to be a “Jewish nation” or “Jewish democracy” is inextricably tied to another’s presence and/or erasure.

As such, every Palestinian man and woman and child is living within a discursive and material infrastructure that identifies and enumerates them, sequesters and quarantines them, occupies and divides them, disenfranchises and under-develops them, places them under siege and wages war on them with impunity. These practices of the every day have ceased to shock us. Perhaps this is not surprising, given the erasure and normalcy of the slow death, genocide, structural violence and dependency lived daily on Native American reservations or indigenous Australian territories. In fact, it is the normalization of Israeli settler colonialism that produces today’s war on refuges living in an open-air prison in Gaza as a separate and condemnable “event.” It is the success of settler colonialism that “Gaza” is spoken of as somehow apart and different than historic Palestine, that “the West Bank” and “Gaza” are two separate and seperatable entities, rather than one nation divided and exiled into separate territories by practices of colonialism. Today’s war lies on a continuum with the every day structural and informal violence faced by Palestinians living in Gaza, West Bank, or as Palestinian citizens of Israel: from resource monopolization and water shortages to home demolitions and checkpoints and settler-only roads and talks of population “transfer” to overflowing prisons and second class citizenship. Historic Palestine, from the river to the sea, is an Israeli settler colony at varying stages of success.

Palestine men and women and children are one people— and they are a people living under siege and within settler colonial conditions. They should not be separated in death according to their genitalia, a separation that reproduces a hierarchy of victims and mournable deaths. Jewish Israelis (including soldiers and settlers) occupy the highest rungs of this macabre ladder, Palestinian men the lowest. This hierarchy is both racialized and gendered, a twinning that allows Palestinian womenandchildren to emerge and be publicly and internationally mourned only in spectacles of violence, or “war”—but never in the slow and muted deaths under settler colonial conditions—the temporality of the “ceasefire.” To insist on publicly mourning all of the Palestinian dead, men and women and children—at moments of military invasion and during the every day space of occupation and colonization— is to insist on their right to have been alive in the first place.


[1] Enloe, Cynthia. “Womenandchildren: making feminist sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis.” The Village Voice 25.9 (1990): 1990.

 

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dr. med. belal dabour after sheja’iya massacre

“Children are the majority of those injured” in Shujaiya massacre, says doctor

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At Shifa hospital, a family mourns a relative killed during Israel’s massacre of Shujaiya on Sunday morning.

(Mohammed Asad / APA images)

Israeli forces killed at least 100 Palestinians on Sunday, including 66 people in a single neighborhood of Gaza City, bringing the 13-day death toll to at least 437 people. The vast majority of them are civilians and include least one hundred children.

Early Sunday morning, Israel indiscriminately shelled the eastern Gaza City neighborhood of Shujaiya, destroying homes and buildings. Dozens of the dead and hundreds of injured and maimed people were pulled from the rubble.

Inside al-Shifa hospital, Gaza’s main medical center, a doctor says that the majority of those injured are children, and that the morgue was over capacity with victims of the massacre.

The Electronic Intifada spoke with Dr. Belal Dabour at 8:20pm Palestine local time on Sunday. Dabour said he had seen horrific scenes. “Just one ambulance just carried five bodies, I saw it myself,” he said. “Two children, one old woman and two men.”

Dabour, who wrote about his experience treating the wounded — especially wounded children — after Israel’s heavy bombardment and indiscriminate artillery attacks on Thursday, said that “more than one hundred medicines are missing” and are at “zero stock” right now. “These medicines include some very vital medicines, some medicines which a hospital can’t run without,” he added.

Listen to the audio recording of Dabour, or read the transcript of his interview below.

Doctors, he said, are buying vital medicines and supplies from private pharmeceutical companies and pharmacies with their own money.

At the time we called him, Dabour was standing in front of the hospital’s morgue with a group of his relatives. They were collecting the body of Dabour’s distant cousin, who was killed in the massacre, so that they could bury her before sundown.

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A Palestinian boy wounded by Israeli shelling receives treatment at al-Shifa hospital in Gaza City, 20 July. (Mohammed Asad / APA images)

Meanwhile, Ma’an News Agency published a harrowing report this morning describing the scene of the massacre:

Inside were scenes of absolute devastation: entire buildings collapsed on themselves or strewn into the streets. Mangled trees were bent over, children’s shoes — a girl’s purple slipper, a boy’s blue flip-flop — mixed in with the rubble underfoot.

An entire apartment building of several floors was still ablaze, the fire burning on the ground floor and covering the facade with black soot. And there were bodies lying in the streets.

Some were burnt almost beyond recognition, whole appendages missing. One man in his house robes was completely charred black except for his internal organs, which were starkly yellow against the coal color of the rest of his body. The dead were young and old, with more than one lifeless child carried out by frantic ambulance workers.

They also found the carcass of one of their [paramedic] vehicles, its windows all blown out and holes punched into its sides by shrapnel.

Man shot before eyes of solidarity activists

Last week, Israel heavily shelled the al-Wafa rehab and geriatric hospital adjacent to Shujaiya.

Doctors, nurses and hospital staff were able to safely evacuate the patients — some of whom are paralyzed and in need of constant, critical care. The International Solidarity Movement (ISM) issued a press release saying that foreign activists, who had maintained a constant presence inside the hospital before the attacks, attempted to retrieve salvageable medical supplies for patients in dire need. Joe Catron, activist and contributor to The Electronic Intifada, said al-Wafa was “still smoking” from Israel’s strikes on 17 July. ISM added:

Charlie Andreasson, Swedish activist, states, “We were waiting to get clearance from the Red Cross to go back to al-Wafa. This is urgent because without medicine, the patients cannot receive proper treatment, and coordination through the Red Cross has not been possible.” Previous attempts by the Red Crescent to enter the Shujaiya neighborhood to retrieve wounded people from this area were met with live ammunition from the Israeli army.

After the Shujaiya massacre, international activists and local municipality workers attempted to rescue injured people from underneath the rubble, and witnessed Israeli forces shooting and killing a man who was attempting to reach his family.

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Israel’s indiscriminate attacks on Shujaiya also targeted ambulances.

(Joe Catron)

Catron states: “We all just watched a man murdered in front of us. He was trying to reach his family in Shujaiya, he had not heard from them and was worried about them. They shot him, and then continued to fire as he was on the ground. We had no choice but to retreat. We couldn’t reach him due to the artillery fire and then he stopped moving.”“Shujaiya is a smoking wasteland,” Catron adds. “We just passed two bombed out ambulances.”

Interview with Dr. Belal Dabour

Nora Barrows-Friedman: Dr. Belal, can you talk about what al-Shifa hospital has been dealing with since the Shujaiya massacre last night, on top of the last two weeks of this Israeli attack?

Belal Dabour: We received a family of four, a pregnant lady, her husband and two children, they were living in a tower in a building close to al-Shifa hospital and they were targeted. Their flat was targeted out of nowhere. They have no affiliation, no political actions, they were targeted and they all died.

And while in the emergency room I did not recognize them but suddenly my relatives started coming in and she [the pregnant lady] turned out to be a distant cousin of mine. So you can imagine how this situation — this story is the same thing for dozens of families these days.

As for the Shujaiya massacre — since dawn hours, from 5am maybe, for two hours, about 50 bodies and 250 injuries arrived all at one time, in two hours at al-Shifa hospital from Shujaiya.

Families torn apart, families dying all together, a very difficult situation. And the seven operation rooms in al-Shifa hospital were working all together all at one time. Doctors and staff were being called in from their homes. They arrived in ambulances to help. And once this frenzy was all over, it was about 1pm or 2pm, there was a temporary ceasefire for two hours, and it repeated all again.

A lot of bodies were unable to be extracted from the scene. And in the morning — we were now taking a lot of injuries and they arrived all at once during the two-hour temporary ceasefire. One ambulance for five bodies arrived — just one ambulance just carried five bodies, I saw it myself. Two children, one old woman, and two men. This is what a massacre sounds like, you know?

NBF: Dr. Belal, you’re at al-Shifa hospital right now. Can you describe the scene right now after these massacres have happened?

BD: Yeah. I’m now standing in front of the morgue with my relatives, who are coming to see their sons and daughters and grandchildren. With them, there are many other families all coming to take the bodies with them, the relatives of their loved ones have to bury them before dark. Now, it’s the sunset.

Also in al-Shifa hospital, besides the hundreds coming to take the bodies of their relatives, are other hundreds who have fled their homes and have found nowhere to go but to come to al-Shifa hospital just to seek refuge.

So during the day, there were thousands — maybe one or two thousand people lying around in this hospital, in the corners, in the streets nearby, and in the gardens, near the cafeteria, and now as night has come, the number has decreased to two hundred but there are still families — whole families — just lying in alShifa hospital, in whatever place they could find and settle, because they have nowhere to go. Some of them are a little bit injured, some of them are just standing because they have nowhere else to go.

NBF: Belal, can you talk about the conditions in the hospital in terms of basic medical supplies and medications? Of course, we’re talking about supplies that have been depleted for seven years under the Israeli blockade. What’s it like trying treating patients under these kinds of conditions?

BD: A lot of supplies are missing. The Ministry of Health issued a statement today. They said that more than 100 medicines are missing — are at zero stock now. These medicines include some very vital medicines, some medicines which a hospital can’t run without. This is a problem. Now, we in the surgery department, and especially in the emergency room, we take whatever we need from the other departments, so now there are some medicines — for example, the normal saline and intravenous fluids, just this basic need … for example, you might find it in the emergency room simply because we exhausted the resources of the other departments. You might not find these medicines or these disposals at the internal medicine department, or at the obstetrics or the gynecology departments, for example.

Others are not found either in the emergency room, or the surgery, or the other departments. And these drugs, or these medicines, we all [need] to buy them from the private sector, from the pharmacies across the street from al-Shifa. We buy them all from our own money.

Some of the medicines, for example some antibiotics, some painkillers, are just examples of the kinds of medicines that are missing. Of course, no need to mention the more advanced medicines for non-emergent diseases, which have been missing for months now, before this whole aggression started.

NBF: Finally, Dr. Belal, you wrote a very moving and powerful and disturbing article for The Electronic Intifada about the impact of these kinds of attacks that Israel has been launching against the people of Gaza, especially how it impacts children. Can you talk about your experience with treating children right now, as they’re going through this kind of unbearable trauma?

BD: Yeah. Let me just say that children are the majority of the injuries we receive at Shifa.

No less than fifty percent of the injuries I treated or I’ve seen myself today are children. And when I say children, I do not mean under 18 years of age, I mean under 12 or 15 years of age. That’s what I mean by children.

Today, there was a very moving scene of a father and his five little daughters just sitting in the emergency room, unable to move, crying. When I asked about their loss, it turned out that his wife, the mother of those little five children, has died from the attacks in Shujaiya, in an artillery massacre. This is one side of the tragedy that children see, that children go through here in Gaza.

Let me talk to you about my last shift three days ago. We received three children, they were hiding from the random artillery fire, and they were hidden under the staircase, because that was the only cement part of their house, they live in poverty, and that’s where the artillery hit them. It hit them directly in the staircase. They all died immediately, however all three of them were beheaded. And they died immediately. But not all are lucky to have such an easy death, or such a quick death, some of them have serious injuries. Some of them have shrapnels — they’re unlucky to get these shrapnels. For example, cutting their spines — they’re just children, and they will live their whole life now with disabilities.

There are some children who sustained major burns I have seen myself, there are little, beautiful girls who sustained shrapnel in their faces, most of their faces have major disfiguring that they will have to live [with] the rest of their lives. So these are just all examples of what children are going through today. And what’s really moving is that when you talk about 2,800 injuries, there are at least one thousand children among them.

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high court decided: bedouins have no right to shelters and state protection from rockets

while jewish citizens have bomb shelters, sirens, and other alert systems – in addition to the “iron dome” defence system – bedouins in the negev, who are also israeli citizens (but ethnically palestinian and therefore last class) have no protection at all. in fact, among the two “israelis” killed by rockets so far, one was a bedouin (and several bedouins were injured). human rights organisation acri filed a petition to the high court on sunday demanding shelters and other protection against rockets, but the court ruled in favor of the state, that bedouins in these areas should instead “lie on the ground” for protection.

not only do bedouins in the negev NOT have state-build shelters, they are also prohibited from building shelters or any structures really, as the state refuses to recognize the existense of their communities, although they lived in the negev before the zionists even proclaimed a state.

read the article here.

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watch: ali abunimah explains why israel is losing (it IS)

monday, ali abunimah gave a kind of angry interview to al jazeera. he showed no patience for “we check all sides” blabla when a massacre had just happened and the death toll was only rising. he exposes the interviewer for repeating israeli talking points – which are a waste of time in these crucial, terrible days – and insisted to talk about the need for a ceasefire and about why the zionists and their backers (including some arab leaders) are hesitating. in essence, he says, since hamas is NOT backing down, does not even appear to be weakened in any way, AND the zionists on the other hand have one war crime after the other on their bloodied hands, the zionists are once again losing this war, like they did in lebanon in 2006. i’ll add that in strategic terms, the zionist also lose because hamas does NOT specifically attack israeli civilians (their rockets are the best weapons they can get and they are not very precise). as a side point, i do think hamas could probably attack civilians in one of their many “cross-border infiltrations” (though again, it is NOT a border) or get someone in the rest of palestine to plant a bomb, etc., but don’t because as they have stated saturday, they choose to target the military, not residential areas.

in this article, abunimah explains it’s only in strategical terms that israel is losing. of course, in terms of life, lifelihood, memories, homes, friends, families, dignity, etc., it’s still almost exclusively palestinians who are being robbed – brutally, and again and again. i tend to agree, but more on that later.

read the article, watch the video, it’s very good.

 

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